These are outlaws, and they can be recognized by their dress.” With these words, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is trying to sort out Muslim demonstrators against the right-wing Hindu policy represented by his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party in India.
Such discourse does not seem far from Modi's recent persistence in defaming the sanctities of Muslims. Rather, his choice in that has apparently become political, derived from the remnants of the long sectarian conflict that ended with the division of the Indian peninsula on religious grounds between Pakistan and India in 1947, before the separation of East Pakistan ( Bangladesh) from Pakistan Islamabad in 1971, and the bloody conflict between Hindus and Muslims that accompanied these two events.
Hindutva or "Hindu supremacy"
India today is no longer far from these bloody conflicts. According to an article published on CNN, by journalists Akakinsha Singh and Roshen Abbas, the latter narrates the bitterness of living in India as a Muslim, and indicates in this article that the conflict in his country has become a threat to the Muslim minority in some Indian regions and provinces.
Roshen points out that a local Hindu leader in the northern state of Uttarakhand called, last year, to take up arms against Muslims "to prevent them from reaching the post of Prime Minister of India in 2029." It seems that the words of Roshan Abbas, an Indian Muslim journalist, were based on the founding myths of the right-wing Hindu movements that rooted the sectarian conflicts in post-British India.
Among those myths is the prevention of the return of Muslims to rule India again, after they ruled it since the era of the empire founded by the Mughal Sultan Dahir al-Din Babur, and it lasted for nearly 300 years, specifically from 1526 to 1858, before it was transformed into rule under the British crown.
It seems that the founding intellectual systems of Hinduism are consistent with this sectarian religious narrative, especially with the emergence of right-wing social movements, and it also appears that Modi and his party are among its political secretions, most notably the “Hindutva” movement, which can be likened to the racist American Ku Klux Klan or the fascist movement in Italy and Nazism. In Germany, the time of the founding of the movement is very close to the time when these currents rose to the surface of events since the second decade of the twentieth century, as it was founded in 1923.
At a time when the American organization believes in the supremacy of the white race in the United States, and the supremacy of the Aryan race in relation to the Nazis, the "Hindutva" movement (Hindu supremacy) believes in the superiority of Hindus over other minorities, and the need for the demographic majority to control the public space in India.
Indian Muslims and the police in India (Sanjay Kanojia / AFP)
Issues and people
India's sectarianism... Modi's nationalist movement persecutes Muslims
Vulnerability and fascism
In this context, Indian journalist Manoj Joshi, a senior researcher at the Observer research foundation, points out in his article on the European Eye website (a website specialized in following extremism trends in the world), that Hindutva advocates "push the myth that Muslims and Christians in India are mainly They are the product of the forced conversion of their ancestors, and this practice continues, endangering the Hindu faith.
Perhaps it was this movement that was behind the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party in India, especially since it provided the party with great mobilizing power on a sectarian basis, until its ideological origins extended to the state and became the main source in legislation and the issuance of laws to confiscate the rights of minorities, which extended to the limits of issuing The 2019 law, called the “Citizenship Law,” denies Muslims the right to nationality.
This law stipulates that it is the duty of every Indian to prove his Indian citizenship, which means that 1.3 billion Indians must prove their Indian nationality in order to be registered in the Indian National Register, which may prompt non-certification of the Indian identity of Muslims, and expose them to voluntary social isolation, similar to Nazi concentration camps during World War II.
It seems that the legendary narrative of the Hindu national movement has taken its way to hit the cultural and historical diversity that characterizes India since before the arrival of Alexander the Great to the Indian subcontinent, all the way to the Islamic Mughal Sultanate that ruled for 300 years before the arrival of the vanguard of the British East Company ships that established the English occupation on the subcontinent in 1858.
Perhaps this justifies Modi's words, during his last speech at the Red Fort, to indicate that "the Muslim Mongols are invaders" and "they terrorized the Hindus in their religion," in a reminder of what the Mughal Sultan Aurangzeb (1618-1707) did, who imposed on the Hindus, And all the minorities that inhabited India took an extremist approach to governance based on religious extremism from the seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth century.
Today, Modi seeks to restore the wheel of ancient history to the conditions of Muslims
Today, Modi seeks to restore the wheel of ancient history to the conditions of Muslims, invoking a historical pretext for what his government is doing against Muslims in terms of intimidation, to the extent that 20 percent of prisoners in all of India are Muslims, who are considered a minority, as they constitute only 14 percent of the population. India (200 million people out of 1.3 billion inhabitants), according to Chapter 14, a website specialized in monitoring justice, constitutions and democracy in the world
This historical "recovery" practiced by Modi for what happened in medieval history, to highlight historical grievances, is the same method as the fascist movements that laid their foundations in the 1920s; The Nazis rose to power from the womb of the idea of “dictates” imposed by the Entente countries (France, Britain and Russia before the Bolshevik revolution) on Germany after World War I, and let Modi reshape it in the form of what “Arronzab” did in the period before the crystallization of the idea of the nation-state
This intellectual orientation of Modi and the Indian extreme right has begun to form the backbone of movement and control
Abu Al-Sanaqi International Cultural Association, President of the Association, Jaafar Al-Khabouri
